July 7th Alternative Hypotheses
9. The original story of a 'power surge' was correct, if one understands the term 'power surge' outside of its implied electrical context.
When initial reports were broadcast of the explosions on the morning of July 7th, it was stated that they had been caused by a 'power surge'. Metronet told the media while news was breaking of the 'incident' that it had been caused by “some kind of power surge”. Metronet were not the only ones giving out this story:
Several people were injured today after explosions blamed on a power surge closed down the entire London Underground network.
Passengers spoke of hearing a "huge thud" in one of the incidents at Edgware Road station. Travellers emerged from tunnels covered in blood and soot.....
.....British Transport Police said power surge incidents, some of which caused explosions, occurred at Aldgate, Edgware Road, King's Cross, Old Street and Russell Square.
Source: Wales Online
In fact the report quoted above, rather incredibly, made no mention of bombs or terrorism whatsoever, and indeed it quotes a British Transport Police spokesperson as saying “No one is sure what caused an explosion, but it is thought it could have been a collision, a power cut, or a power cable problem.” None of which, obviously, bore any relation to later reports of the event. Given that only just over four months before, Tony Blair had announced that there were “Several hundred individuals in the UK plotting terrorist attacks”, and the amount of preparatory exercises for such an event as discussed in Hypothesis 7, including a full-blown BBC Panorama mock-up of a terrorist attack on the underground, it is astonishing that this was apparently not the first scenario to immediately occur to the BTP.
The National Grid had said that there had been no problems with its systems that morning, which suggested that the reports of power surges had possibly been given out as a cover story. However, Transport for London's director of group media, Paul Mylrea, confirmed that power surges had indeed occurred – as an effect of the bomb explosions:
At TfL there was frustration that the early reports of a power surge were widely believed to be a deliberate ploy by the authorities to minimise panic. 'The simple fact is that there was a power surge,' says Mylrea. 'It was one effect of the bombs and the first thing that our control room picked up. I was frustrated by the critical response to that: if we hadn't been so open with information we would have probably been accused of holding back.'
Oddly, in response to an FOI request, London Underground gave a rather different response,
.... I'm afraid it's not accurate to say that the information given about a power surge was a 'story'. When the explosions happened, obviously they broke the track circuit. On the computer systems at network control, such a big break would look the same as a power surge. It's worth pointing out that we have never been the victim of a terrorist attack of this kind before, but on 28 August 2003 a power surge knocked out about half of the network. Such a surge can be accompanied by explosions. In other words, all the evidence we had at the time (including the information from the drivers) and our experience pointed to a power surge, so that's what we said it was. This information was given in good faith.
Source: Reply from London Underground
Indeed, Mayor of London, Ken Livingstone said the following at a 7 July Review Committee Meeting on March 1st 2006:
"You could have had a power surge with a quite catastrophic casualty level. We have always been aware of that on the Underground."
7th July Review Committee, March 1st, 2006
Further to the power surge mentioned in the response from London Underground, there have been other reported occasions where this phenomena has occurred. Therefore power surges could have occurred – and according to TFL's director of group media did occur – on the underground on the morning of July 7th 2005. Coincidentally, a claim of responsibility for the explosions was posted on the Internet on 9th July 2005 by the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigade who had previously claimed responsibility for other power surges which had caused major blackouts in London and New York. There is no evidence that this group even exists.
More strength to the power surge story was given in July 2009, when a group of activists interviewed a woman who was able to produce her ticket from the morning of July 7th 2005 which she purchased at 8.32am at Holborn station with the intention of travelling to King’s Cross to catch a train at 9am. The woman explained that the station was very quiet for the time of the morning and that as she descended to the platform very shortly after buying her ticket, she found that passengers were being told to leave the station due to a power surge. The woman decided to try and catch a train from Holborn anyway, which she was able to do. By the time she reached King’s Cross, she said there was “a load of commotion” but was able to catch her intended train – at which point, she says, people were speaking of explosions. Worryingly, when the woman sent a witness statement to the police, neither it nor she was acknowledged and her statement was never followed up. Yet, an explanation for how and why passengers at Holborn station were being informed that a power surge had occurred, 20 minutes before explosions occurred which were first attributed to power surges and then to suicide bombers exploding bombs on trains, would be very welcome.
The 'odd one out' nature of the bus explosion, occurring as it did not a train underground but a bus above ground, and occurring an hour after the "almost simultaneous" explosions underground allowed for speculation that it may have been completely unrelated to the events underground. Furthermore, the explosion was the only one to occur above ground and therefore the only incident of four from which 'iconic' images of terrorism in London could be obtained. Worth noting also that buses have in the past been exploded for the purposes of simulations of terrorism, complete with actors hired to play the part of victims and add to the realism.
Actors were recruited to play the role of bombing victims and they did their part. A heavy dose of fake blood and screaming added to the first responders tensions.
The goal was to make the simulation as real as possible. There were body parts mixed in with the debris.
A bus was blown up to get an accurate feel of what would happen if a terrorist attack did occur and how the debris would spread.
"This is going to cause them to think on their feet. To make real decisions and to react to real life potential situations," adds Sgt. Martinez.
The training was so realistic authorities closed down a portion of the 57 Freeway. There were concerns that drivers would be distracted by the pyrotechnics. The closure only lasted a few minutes.
Source: ABC News
One of the explanations for why Hasib Hussain allegedly elected to detonate his device on a bus rather than a train like his three co-suspects was that he had been unable to board a train on the Northern Line, which was reportedly the original plan, due to services being suspended. In the trial of the three men accused of conspiring with the four accused perpetrators, it was reported that witnesses for the prosecution claimed that they had seen Hussain on the Northern Line platform at King's Cross – although the witness statements themselves were not reported. There is, in fact, no reason why Hussain could not have boarded a Northern Line train since the service was still running at the time. Other reports stated that Hussain had “lost his nerve” at the idea of blowing up a train, but later steeled himself to 'go through with it' anyway and targeted a bus as his only alternative after the earlier explosions had closed down the underground.
Both of these often-repeated theories are questionable; in the first place, there is no reason why Hussain could not have boarded a Northern Line train since the service was still running at the time. Regarding the second theory, the Home Office report into the London bombings speculated that a possible malfunction of Hasib Hussain's detonator forced the purchase of a battery in WHSmith on the King's Cross concourse at 9am on the 7th of July. Many media reports have stated that this was definitely the case – which then begs the question, how did he know his detonator was malfunctioning if he hadn't already boarded a train and attempted to detonate his explosive, thus necessitating the return to King's Cross to possibly purchase a new battery?
Power Surges in Italy
Some credence is lent to the hypothesis that there was a grain of truth in the originally reported story of 7/7 by means of a wider understanding of the implications of the term 'power surge', particularly its political connotations:
The sudden overthrow of a government by a usually small group of persons in or previously in positions of authority.
In most cases the coup is undertaken to displace one set of rulers, typically the civilian leadership, and establish the power of an alternative group, which is often, but not necessarily, the military. What distinguishes a coup from revolutions is that they are typically carried out by relatively small groups and do not involve mass political action. The second key difference is that while those who carry out the coup are seeking to change the government or ruling group, they are not usually trying to change the regime or bring about broader social change.
In an article entitled 'Understanding the September 11, 2001 Attacks as a Coup D'Etat', Joseph Raso makes the case that history is beset with politically charged spectaculars for which politically expedient official narratives exist, and for which alternative narratives have been, and still are, dismissed by some as "malicious lies" and "outrageous conspiracy theories". Many of these "conspiracy theories" have since been proven to be, albeit some time after the events to which they refer, "conspiracy fact".
With specific reference to instances of terrorism on mainland Britain, the British State's record of honestly and justly bringing the perpetrators to justice is shockingly poor. Consequently, there exist a number of terrorist attacks in Britain, from which much political capital has been made by the State, for which the actual perpetrators have never been arrested, charged, prosecuted or brought to justice in any way. Notable examples include the Birmingham pub bombings, the Guildford pub bombings, and the Manchester Arndale Centre bombing of 1996, about which Greater Manchester Police Deputy Chief Constable Dave Whatton made the announcement shortly before the tenth anniversary of the bombing that there was "no realistic possibility of a prosecution". Expanding the scope of observation to include the history of terrorist atrocities in Europe since the end of the second world war and there can be found, thanks in no small part to the pioneering researches of Dr. Daniele Ganser, numerous incidences of terrorist attacks which were immediately attributed to predetermined 'enemies of the State', predominantly well-organised left-wing, socialist or communist opposition. In time, these terrorist attacks were found to be organised against the general public by those with far-right, pro-statist, fascistic agendas, in tandem with elements from within the State itself, and sometimes involving the support of elements of foreign States. The objective of these multi-faceted, criminal conspiracies was that of destroying the credibility of movements opposed to the actions of the State and simultaneously driving public sentiment into support for increasingly dictatorial and authoritarian measures offered by the State to protect the public from perceived threats that were themselves entirely manufactured.
Perhaps some of the best documented examples of such 'false flag' attacks in Europe are two that occurred in Italy, the Peteano Car bombing of 1972 in which three policemen were killed, and the Bologna Massacre of 1980 in which over 80 were killed and several hundred injured. Immediately following the Peteano bomb blame for the attack was ascribed to the Red Brigades on the basis of false evidence, diligently and deliberately provided by Marco Morin, an Italian Police explosives expert and member of the far-right Italian group Ordine Nuovo. The attack, and the conveniently 'conclusive' false evidence that Morin provided, came at a time when left-wing opposition to the activities of the Italian State, operating in tandem with what the Red Brigades termed 'an imperialist collection of multinational corporations', was growing and gathering political momentum. In the wake of the attack, hundreds of people with Communist and left-leaning sympathies were arrested, with the bombing -- attributed thus far to the Red Brigades only by virtue of an anonymous phone call -- providing the blanket authority and justification for so doing.
Following investigation and judicial scrutiny of the Peteano bombing that took place when Judge Felice Casson re-opened the case in 1984, some twelve years later, it was eventually revealed to judges that explosives used in the attack had come from a secret arms cache beneath a cemetery in Verona. The admissions came from the former Italian Prime Minister, Giulio Andreotti and this, in tandem with the chance discovery of a similar arms cache in Trieste a month before the Peteano bombing, led to the unravelling of Operation Gladio, a network of highly trained (some trained in the UK) 'stay behind' 'sleeper' cell and munitions, all installed by NATO in the event that their services might be required in the endless battle waged by Capitalism's Capitalist-haves against Communism and Communist have-nots. In all, over a hundred secret arms caches were discovered in Italy alone.
Casson's investigation revealed that the right-wing organization Ordine Nuovo had collaborated very closely with the Italian Military Secret Service, SID (Servizio Informazioni Difesa). Together, they had engineered the Peteano terror and then wrongly blamed the militant extreme Italian left, the Red Brigades. Judge Casson identified Ordine Nuovo member Vincenzo Vinciguerra as the man who had planted the Peteano bomb... He confessed and testified that he had been covered by an entire network of sympathizers in Italy and abroad who had ensured that after the attack he could escape. 'A whole mechanism came into action', Vinciguerra recalled, 'that is, the Carabinieri, the Minister of the Interior, the customs services and the military and civilian intelligence services accepted the ideological reasoning behind the attack.'
Commenting on the Bologna bombing, Vincenzo Vinciguerra, the man who had confessed to planting the Peteano bomb, was quoted in the Guardian:
"With the massacre of Peteano, and with all those that have followed, the knowledge should by now be clear that there existed a real live structure, occult and hidden, with the capacity of giving a strategic direction to the outrages."
"The structure || lies within the state itself".
"There exists in Italy a secret force parallel to the armed forces, composed of civilians and military men, in an anti-Soviet capacity - that is, to organise a resistance on Italian soil against a Russian army... A secret organisation, a super-organisation with a network of communications, arms and explosives, and men trained to use them... "A super-organisation which, lacking a Soviet military invasion which might not happen, took up the task, on Nato's behalf, of preventing a slip to the left in the political balance of the country. This they did, with the assistance of the official secret services and the political and military forces..."
Vinciguerra also made the following statement to the Guardian, implicating the State in not only the conspiracies themselves, but also the deliberate cover-ups of those conspiracies:
"The terrorist line was followed by camouflaged people, people belonging to the security apparatus, or those linked to the state apparatus through rapport or collaboration. I say that every single outrage that followed from 1969 fitted into a single, organised matrix... Avanguardia Nazionale, like Ordine Nuovo (the main right-wing terrorist group active during the 1970s), were being mobilised into the battle as part of an anti-communist strategy originating not with organisations deviant from the institutions of power, but from within the state itself, and specifically from within the ambit of the state's relations within the Atlantic Alliance."
Source: Secret agents, freemasons, fascists...
and a top-level campaign of political 'destabilisation'
The Guardian, 5 December 1990, page 12
A 1992 article in the Observer expanded a little on the methodology behind, and the modes of operation of, the Gladio network and the inexorable links with the State apparatus, once again courtesy of Vinciguerra:
Vincenzo Vinciguerra, a convinced Fascist who was a member of the extremist Ordine Nuovo organisation and had close links with Gladio, has testified to us of his personal involvement in such schemes. Now serving a long sentence in Parma prison for his part in the killing of three carabinieri in the village of Peteano, he talked despite the Italian authorities' efforts to prevent access to him.
'You had to attack civilians, the people, women children, innocent people, unknown people far removed from any political game,' he said. 'The reason was quite simple. They were supposed to force these people, the Italian public, to turn to the State to ask for greater security. This is the political logic that lies behind all the massacres and the bombings which remain unpunished, because the State cannot convict itself or declare itself responsible for what happened.'
Vinciguerra recounted how the authorities covered the traces after the killing of the three carabinieri. 'A whole mechanism came into action - that is, the carabinieri, the Minister of the Interior, the customs services and the military and civilian intelligence services accepted the ideological reasoning behind the attack.'
Perhaps there is something to be learned about terrorist attacks elsewhere from Vinciguerra's statement that, "This is the political logic that lies behind all the massacres and the bombings which remain unpunished, because the State cannot convict itself or declare itself responsible for what happened." When considering the lessons that Italy's Operation Gladio teaches us about links between terrorist attacks on ordinary members of the public and the State, it is worth remembering Vinciguerra's words in regard to the motivations behind another far-right bomb attack on the Italian public, the Piazza Fontana bombing, an event timed to coincide with rise and rise of radical, revolutionary left wing sentiments sweeping Europe in the late 1960s:
"The December 1969 explosion was supposed to be the detonator which would have convinced the political and military authorities to declare a state of emergency." -- Vincenzo Vinciguerra
The existence of similar NATO-sponsored stay-behind networks has been confirmed in Belgium (see also Ganser), France, Denmark, Germany, Greece, the Netherlands (see also Ganser), Portugal, Turkey, Austria, Finland, Luxembourg, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland and, notably, the United Kingdom. Of these countries, only Italy Switzerland and Belgium have conducted parliamentary inquiries into the existence of these covert, clandestine networks and their activities. Other countries have not been quite so diligent or determined in their efforts to pull back the curtain further on the covert, Europe-wide, post-war, NATO conspiracy to maintain indefinitely standing, secret, sleeper armies, complete with enough munitions to fight a small war, even against a country's own people.
As noted in Hypotheses 8, some might dismiss such covert actions as something that "doesn't happen here" or regard it as subterfuge for which there is no longer any requirement. However -- at least in the case of Italy and the world of Italian politics -- such things do indeed still occur, as evinced by this fascinating report from The Independent, published just two days before 7th July 2005:
July 5, 2005
Up to 200 Italian police 'ran parallel anti-terror force'
By John Philips in Rome
Up to 200 police officers and former intelligence operatives are being investigated by Italian magistrates on charges of organising an illegal "parallel" police force to combat terrorism.
The shadowy group appears to have set itself up as a private security firm, offering protection to senior figures, and illicitly using official police resources. Its leaders have been accused of "usurping" public functions and illegal use of classified data.
Judge Francesco Lalla, Genoa's chief prosecutor, said the self-styled "Department for Anti-terrorist Strategic Studies," (DSSA) maintained an arsenal of weaponry, stored by its accused commanders Gaetano Saya and Riccardo Sindaco, both with links with the Italian far right. The revelations have heightened many Italians' unease about the strategies of the government of Silvio Berlusconi, the Prime Minister, against Islamist terrorism.
Judicial sources said the DSSA recruited from police, paramilitary carabinieri, finance police and the armed services and presented itself to Italian institutions as well as potential recruits as an elite body specialising in fighting Islamic and Marxist terrorism.
Mr Saya, now under house arrest, had applied for €32m (£21.6m) in European Union finance and had allegedly sought contact with the Vatican to try to obtain a contract to protect of Pope Benedict against terrorist attack.
Magistrates focused on the DSSA after it allegedly claimed to have a video of the murder in Iraq of the Italian hostage Fabrizio Quatrocchi and tried to sell the footage. Investigators are trying to determine what official support the organisation may have had.
The Interior Minister, Giuseppe Pisanu, has suspended dozens of police officers who joined the network. But Carlo Taormina, an MP from Mr Berlusconi's Forza Italia party, insists DSSA was a bona fide security company with nothing to hide and "the high commands of the police and intelligence services were aware of its existence".
Il Messaggero quoted an investigator who said it was particularly disturbing that phone intercepts suggested DSSA members had been planning to kidnap Cesare Battisti, a Red Brigades activist living in exile in Paris. "We were seeing the genesis of something similar to the death squads in Argentina," the magistrate is reported to have said.
The group was charged with making unauthorised use of interior ministry data bank information as well as equipping cars with sirens and flashing lights and the official "lollipop" sticks, used by Italian police to stop traffic or wave as they break traffic regulations.
Gilberto Di Benedetto, an associate of Mr Saya who acted as a middleman with the Vatican, said most members had joined the DSSA in good faith, despite its farcical aspect. "There were people who were hoping for power or to become private investigators, but there also were many police officers and sergeants who believed the DSSA would advance their careers," he said.
La Repubblica newspaper quoted Michael Scheuer, a former CIA agent and head of the "Bin Laden unit" at CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia, until last November, as saying the head of Italy's military intelligence agency Sismi had authorised the CIA to abduct Abu Omar, a militant Islamic cleric who was flown from Milan to Egypt and reportedly tortured.
Mr Berlusconi's government denies knowledge of the affair, which became public after Milan magistrates issued arrest warrants for 13 CIA agents.
Source: The Independent
The 7/7 Power Surge
The facts that have emerged about Operation Gladio in Italy, and the details that have emerged of the widespread deployment of NATO's secret armies in almost all European countries have, however, never prevented purveyors of official doctrine from the endless, fast and loose use of the throwaway terms "conspiracy theory" or "conspiracy theorist" as they attempt to call a halt to critical thinking and critical thinkers. The irony of the anti-intellectualism practiced by those who would hold themselves to be politically astute intellectuals is lost on no-one, and yet the anti-thinkers endeavour to defend their staunchly held positions of weakness with a renewed sense of desperation and transparency.
Others are wiser and more honest with their analysis. The research of Professor David MacGregor includes studies in the Hegelian-Marxist political economy of concrete evil, inaugurated in an article The Deep Politics of 911: Political Economy of Concrete Evil. MacGregor has also written an article for J7, 'July 7th as Machiavellian State Terror?' in which he posits the notion that the events of July 7th may fall into the category of what he terms "Machiavellian state terror, spectacular violence perpetrated against the state by elements of the state itself". The theory was born in another of MacGregor's articles on the subject of 9/11, September 11 as Machiavellian State Terror, in which he highlights the importance of 'oppositional theorizing: questioning government and looking for connections between events', activities which he suggests 'are critical features of what it means to be vitally active in the political universe'. While MacGregor posits the idea that such attacks may have been perpetrated by elements of the State against its own citizens, it is not beyond the bounds of reason to include the potential involvement of elements of foreign States also.
Picking up the mantle of oppositional theorising, questioning government and looking for connections between events, organisations and individuals, if these critical features of what it means to be vitally active in the political universe are applied to the subject of the events of 7th July 2005, then the original underground 'power surge' must be understood outside of its presumed train and electrical context. Removing the initially reported cause of the underground explosions on 7/7 from its implied electrical context, the term "power surge" well describes a method by which an attempt could be made to "establish the power of an alternative group".
On the morning of Tuesday, September 11, 2001, the world witnessed a coup d'etat unfold in the United States of America. Although the U.S. government and compliant media have presented 9/11 as a surprise assault perpetrated by Islamic militants acting in a conspiracy under the direction of Osama bin Laden, the terrorist attacks in New York and at the Pentagon should be viewed very differently given the results of the investigations conducted by many researchers which indicate U.S. government complicity. Analyzing 9/11 as a coup is appropriate whether government officials possessed foreknowledge and allowed these atrocities to occur, or if, as the available evidence suggests, 9/11 was a covert operation akin to Operation Northwoods, a false-flag attack orchestrated by elements within and associated with the U.S. state. In terms of loss of life, deception, and global implications, it would be accurate to characterize it as the most audacious coup in history.
Anyone that has been following the unfolding of the 7/7 storyline will be aware of various ex-military types closely associated with those accused of perpetrating the attacks. The list includes Martin 'Abdullah' McDaid, a former member of the elite Special Boat Service, and James McLintock, labelled the 'Tartan Taliban' and also known by his Islamic name, Mohammed Yaqub/Yacoob. Both of these people operated in close proximity to the accused at the Iqra learning centre in Beeston, Leeds. As the story has developed, other ex-military types have featured regularly in the 7/7 storyline, usually to support calls for an inquiry, or to discuss the methods by which the State chooses to deal with the perceived threat level. These include former Tory front-bencher, David Davis, a former member of the Territorial Army's SAS, and Patrick Mercer, a former British army operative who studied at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst and who completed nine tours in Northern Ireland, latterly commanding in Bosnia, Canada, Germany, Tidworth and Uganda.
Alongside the prevalence of ex-military types, the 7/7 story has been nudged along by its fair share of security companies and ex-policemen with vested interests. On the day of 7th July 2005, ex-policeman Peter Power, now managing director of his own private security firm, Visor Consultants, appeared on radio and television to announce his terror exercise rehearsing bombs on the underground at the time that it happened. Three days later, ex Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir John Stevens, now director of a security firm, Quest, was to be the first to write about "home-grown", British suicide bombers in an article published in the News of the World. Meanwhile, Stevens' colleague at Quest, ex-Mossad chief Efraim Halevi, published an article in the Jersulem Post on the day of the attacks which referred to "multiple simultaneous explosions" with "near perfect execution", yet the story told to the public for two further days was one of staggered timings.
7/7 in its political and historical context
The Middle Class Proletariat
The middle classes could become a revolutionary class, taking the role envisaged for the proletariat by Marx. The globalization of labour markets and reducing levels of national welfare provision and employment could reduce peoples’ attachment to particular states. The growing gap between themselves and a small number of highly visible super-rich individuals might fuel disillusion with meritocracy, while the growing urban under-classes are likely to pose an increasing threat to social order and stability, as the burden of acquired debt and the failure of pension provision begins to bite. Faced by these twin challenges, the world’s middle-classes might unite, using access to knowledge, resources and skills to shape transnational processes in their own class interest.
An examination of key sociopolitical events since 7/7 in the U.K, and since 9/11 in the U.S. easily reveals many crucial changes in political and social life where new and more intrusive, paternalistic, totalitarian methods of operation have been adopted by both States; in each it is implemented by the State and facilitated by private corporations. In essence, taxes levied from the working population are first extorted with menaces at source, before being gifted to private firms who provide surveillance, monitoring and 'security' services that are on a par, in cases where they don't exceed, those of the State itself.
These policies and practices have been seamlessly integrated into the operation of State machinery with barely a challenge from within the machine. On the odd occasion where challenges have been made from inside the establishment, the State has elected to ride roughshod over them and continues largely unchecked in the business of establishing all the politics and technologies of political control that anyone with dictatorial designs might need, complete with a Weimar Republic economy and modern day Reichstag Fire. All this has happened during times when one of the top strategic threats the British State believes it faces is that of transnational unity amongst the world's working and middle classes.
"The country's biggest force, the Metropolitan police || believe that large sections of the population have become increasingly politicised, and there is a growing sense that the current restrictions on demonstrations are too light."
Source: The Guardian
With the general increase in levels of political awareness among ordinary members of the public, thanks in no small part to widespread use of the Internet, and the rapidly growing distrust of the establishment, reactionary "anti-terror" legislation in the U.K. has resulted in a situation where any activity, particularly any activity that is politically inspired with political objectives, can now be prosecuted as the common offense of "terrorism". This can happen in advance of there being any actual terrorism, irrespective of the alleged "terrorists" possessing the means, methods and motive to carry out acts of terror, much less the sustained campaigns of terror only ever achievable by the machinery of States. Charity workers are now "terrorist fundraisers", solidarity workers are now "terrorist sympathisers" and so too is anyone campaigning for any sort of meaningful justice for those deemed by word alone to be "terrorists".
At the time of writing (June 2009), forthcoming generations of the British taxpayer are in hock to British banks, whether the current taxpayers or their offspring like it or not. We are also in the midst of a well-timed and widespread discrediting of the Parliamentary political system and its agents as a result of various 'scandals' surrounding the dubious ways in which various MP's across the political spectrum sought to feather their first, second and, sometimes, third nests while billing taxpayers for the privilege.
The prime mover behind the leaking of MP expense details to The Telegraph is another ex-military man, a former Parachute Regiment major, John Wick. "who is said to have served in the SAS and is now the boss of a London-based private security firm" and who employs "many ex-military personnel and senior police officers as security consultants". Wick has also employed "two former Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police, Sir Peter Imbert and Sir David McNee, as directors of his various firms". It was Wick that obtained and brokered the full, uncensored list of MP expense claims and did so with the assistance of American-born PR man Henry Gewanter.
As a result of the MP expenses 'scandal', the leader of the Conservative Party, David Cameron, is calling for reductions in the number of MPs, a move that would drastically reduce the already minimal level of representation available to the public. While we have yet to see the full repercussions of the MP expenses scandal driven by the ex-SAS Tory grandee, John Wick, the speaker of the House of Commons at the time the expenses scandal broke, Michael Martin, was deposed and replaced by a "very right-wing" Tory, John Bercow. Furthermore, none of the existing political parties have outlined in any detail what reforms they propose to the current system of parliamentary operation. Meanwhile, in the void created by the seemingly controlled demolition of the credibility, legitimacy and authority of parliamentarians, no other bodies or groups appear to be coming up with any alternatives either, leaving something of a disturbing political vacuum.
The official conspiracy theory about how 7/7 came to be requires a belief in the notion that four individuals with little or no military experience conspired together to detonate bombs on three London underground trains and one bus. If conscious intent can be ascribed to rank amateurs in the plotting, planning and organisation of such crimes -- complete with a facet of the story that involves the reported use of explosives so unstable they are incredibly difficult to manufacture in controlled laboratory conditions -- then ascribing such conscious intent to those with years of training and experience in the logistics and implementation of doing the same is no great leap of faith. Their training and experience give such individuals and groups 'the means' and 'the methods' of undertaking attacks against a defenceless general public, the only additional requirement for this explosive mix to be detonated is 'the motive'. Perhaps a surge of political power, a 'power surge', might have provided such a motive.
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Alternative Hypotheses Navigation
5. The men thought they were going to strike a blow for Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, etc and go to Heaven as 'martyrs' because they had been groomed and encouraged and equipped by an al-Qa'ida mastermind who was actually working for one of the State agencies or a rogue network straddling one or more of them with their own agenda.
6. The four men thought they were going to be delivering drugs or money to various locations round London, but were deceived, set up and murdered along with the others on their tubes and bus when their back packs exploded.
9. The original story of a 'power surge' was correct, if one understands the term 'power surge' outside of its implied electrical context.